Guarino

Cops, DA's, and PAC's, Chapter 6

I had previously informed readers that I was contemplating the publication of a fictional novel.  The previous chapters of this novel can be accessed by clicking the "category" found in the upper right hand corner of this blog page.  Inspiration has struck once again:

It had been a relatively mild summer in the Politically Virtuous City.  A new election season had arrived, and some interesting new developments surfaced. 

The ongoing case of Officer Quake reached a crescendo.  Recall that he had been charged with domestic assault after having been caught in a drunken rage toward the end of a police party.  He was convicted in a non-jury trial.  But he appealed the case, and obtained a jury trial.  His fiance, whom he had assaulted, was prevailed upon to deliver testimony on his behalf at the trial.  This introduced the element of reasonable doubt, and Officer Quake was acquitted.  Remember that the office of attorney Ren Flea had been involved in representing Quake.  DA Pug could not get a ruling that upheld the initial conviction.

But that was not to be the end of the issue.  The police department had to decide whether to allow Quake to return to duty as a cop.  The machine police chief surprisingly recommended against it; and it was presumed this was because of all the publicity the incident had attracted. 

Recall that the Politically Virtuous City had a group of black ministers called the Sons of Sharpton.  This group had been interested in undermining police for many years.  A gang leader named George-Ay had affiliated himself with this group; and used them to circulate claims that the machine-controlled police department's gang unit had been discriminating against Hispanic gangs.  The Sons of Sharpton, George-Ay and Officer Quake held a press conference jointly on this topic. 

When the filing season opened for the city council election, it was astonishing for local residents to learn that gang leader George-Ay had filed to run for City Council.  He received nearly five hundred votes in the primary, but did not survive it.

The Sons of Sharpton held a demonstration on behalf of Officer Quake, and even met with the interim City Manager, Rob Dorgan, on his behalf.  Quake had appealed his termination to Dorgan.  Dorgan was swayed by the Sons of Sharpton, and reinstated Quake.

Unfortunately, this decision by Dorgan provoked a reaction.  A large group of officers within the police department was fed up with the city and the department because of their history of covering up the activities of corrupt, misbehaving officers.  An emergency city council meeting was held, and these officers attended to display their unhappiness over the state of affairs.

It was then learned that a number of high-ranking male officers in the department had been having sexual relations with female subordinate officers.  And in a couple of these instances, the officers involved were married to other officers.

The principals in the PAC had been observing over a prolonged period the activities of the Sons of Sharpton; and sometimes felt the need to cringe privately over some of the things they did.  The Sons of Sharpton had created problems for the members of the PAC.  Their arrangement with the city's development interests  and its "downtown business establishment" would be threatened if they were consistently perceived as being extraordinarily provocative, and as being way over to the "looney left". 

But the PAC and the Sons of Sharpton had maintained a political alliance of sorts over the years for mutual benefit.  The highly publicized incidents with Officer Quake and George-Ay, however, were the collective straw that broke the camel's back for the PAC. 

Lourdes Beige had been a principal in the PAC, a leader of the local NAACP, and one of the instigators of the grievances previously filed by minority officers at the police department.  He also was the pastor of a black church that routinely violated IRS rules regarding political activities of non-profit organizations.

The PAC decided to force Lourdes Beige out.  Lourdes then started a new PAC largely consisting of ministers belonging to the Sons of Sharpton.  This new PAC, however, would endorse many of the same candidates as the old PAC.

The US Department of Justice had been considering whether to litigate the grievances of minority officers against the police department.  It ultimately decided to refrain from taking the case.  A new black city manager had been hired by the City Council; and certain of the aggrieved black officers, including Dames Stinson, publicly announced they would temporarily suspend their litigation against the city. 

It was learned that the new city manager had previously settled some discrimination complaints filed by minority officers in the midwestern city he had previously served.  The Politically Virtuous City's black officers were still expecting some kind of settlement.

The white officers who had been wrongfully accused, including Officer Flanders, were reinstated to active duty and received all their back pay and benefits.  However, they were assigned to undesirable jobs within the police department, and were still having to fight to get the city to cover their legal costs.

A local blogger named Bolder who had extensively written about the police department also decided to run for City Council against Councilwoman Gall.  At an election forum, Gall defended the reinstatement of Officer Quake as the natural conclusion of a legitimate process.  Gall had been closely identified with the Sons of Sharpton in the past; and ultimately lost the endorsement of the PAC.  Bolder unfortunately did not survive his primary; and Gall was to be pitted in a general election contest against a PAC-endorsed candidate.

Curl Bones was one of the principals in the PAC.  And he had a longstanding grudge against Councilwoman Gall.  She had failed to help him with his fried chicken concession at the homecoming of the local Historically Black University several years back.

Meanwhile, crime continued to rage throughout the city.  The machine-controlled police department allowed a certain proportion of its officers to be unproductive; and burglaries were now commonplace in affluent neighborhoods that previously had not experienced much crime.  These burglaries were arousing considerable concern.

The epidemic of crime in the city was blithely tolerated by the PAC and also by the white power groups with which it was allied, including the aforementioned development interests and "downtown business establishment".  The white power groups ironically shaded left politically.  And the PAC was advancing the interests of a group of local black defense attorneys.

These defense attorneys depended on the fees generated by the city's lucrative illegal drug industry.  But it also depended on a steady stream of cases to defend.  If the city's crime levels were to go way down, they would have much less business.

The existence of officers within the police department who would protect the drug industry was therefore important to protect. 

But within the local African-American community, there was a prevailing belief that "arresting people" was not the solution.  Police had long been considered the adversary in minority communities; and a crime-fighting approach that would cause more unwanted interactions with police would be unacceptable.  And so the PAC would strenuously resist any aggressive, proactive anti-crime approach.

A reactive approach, such as that taken by the machine-controlled police department, would assure a certain number of "solved cases" and arrests.  Those arrested would be represented by the local defense attorneys, who would be able to work with the DA and the inadequate criminal justice system to get them acquitted, or to assure minimal sentences. 

The defense attorneys would get paid; the revolving doors in the criminal justice system would continue to turn; a steady stream of criminal defendants would be assured for the defense attorneys; the local illegal drug industry would continue to be protected; and the PAC would continue to be able to advance its own interests.

An election was soon to be held.  The city's mayor was strongly identified with the PAC.  At Large candidates often had to secure endorsement by the PAC in order to win.  This was the means by which the PAC was able to assure machine control of local government.

The challengers this election season, as always, would face an uphill battle.

Again, the above chapter is entirely fictional.  It required an extremely fertile imagination to develop such a story line.  I certainly solicit the constructive comments of readers to help me develop a better final product.

Cops, DAs and PAC's, Chapter 5

Some time has passed since I posted the most recent chapter outline for the novel I am planning.  Since then, some new inspiration has welled up within me, enough to justify yet another chapter.

Once again, I invite readers to give me their feedback.  Of course, this work is purely fictional, and any resemblance to real persons or events is purely coincidental.

At the time that City Manager Melvins'son was terminated, one city councilman, whose name was Lobby, warned that it was the wrong time to change the city's leadership.  After all, he said, the Department of Justice was getting ready to investigate the Politically Virtuous City's police department.

When asked to provide details, Councilman Lobby retracted his statement.  But sure enough, within a matter of weeks, it became public knowledge that the United States Justice Department, under the leadership of a new black President and a black Attorney General, was going to investigate the police department of a city that had been ruled in large part by a black PAC-- and the political structure of which had politically supported the new black President.  And the investigation was to be on the basis of alleged racial discrimination in connection with the complaints previously made by black officers.

But there was a new wrinkle.  The Department of Justice was also going to investigate on the basis of racial disparities in hiring.  It was extraordinary, however, that no one could say who filed this particular complaint.  It was represented by the local media and the Department of Justice that it was impossible to identify who had made this particular complaint.

The local daily began to publish articles making the case that police departments, including that serving the city in question, systematically discriminate against black and female applicants.

In any case, another councilman, whose name was Harbour, spoke up regarding the whole situation with the Department of Justice.  Councilman Harbour said he thought other local public officials, who happened to be black, had triggered the involvement of the Department of Justice.  He also called upon the black officers to drop their lawsuit against the city.

These affronts by Councilman Harbour were not to go unanswered.  Councilman Lobby, for instance, decried his use of city media facilities to call upon the black officers to drop their suit. 

And remember there was the police officer, whose name was Quake, who had assaulted two women at a police party; and who was ultimately charged with domestic assault by the DA in a very belated manner.  This officer had been consulting with the other black officers, the attorneys involved and also a politically active group of black clergy called the Sons of Sharpton. 

Officer Quake ultimately carried out the retaliation against Councilman Harbour.  Quake publicly accused Harbour of offering to help him get his charges reduced in exchange for Quake disassociating himself from the black officers' lawsuit.  Quake later retracted this allegation when everyone realized Harbour had no particular clout with DA Pug.

In any event, the Sons of Sharpton aided Quake in orchestrating a press conference during which he outlined his defense against the charges brought against him.  But there was a new twist.  This particular officer also happened to be Hispanic, in addition to being black; and he alleged that he was being singled out because of systemic antipathy toward Latino's.  This allegation was made even though Quake was not even charged with domestic assault until one of the females involved, who happened to have had some education, gave her story to the DA.

One of the most prominent members of the Sons of Sharpton was a former communist who, thirty years earlier, had provoked a confrontation with the Klan.  After a a couple of his communist buddies were killed, he spent the next several decades blaming it on everyone else, and parlaying the situation into an ongoing racial grievance against the police within segments of the local black community. 

He also was the minister who publicly brought the issue of inappropriate police department surveillance before the city council, and thereby helped spread further racial suspicions and allegations.

Another prominent Sons of Sharpton member had been the leader of the local housing non-profit that had stolen large amounts of public money intended for the poor.  This particular man had been very influential with the city because he spearheaded get-out-the-vote efforts for the PAC.  Councilman Lobby had been one of his key advocates in city government.  In any case, this particular Sons of Sharpton member had committed suicide after his activities became known to the public.

Another clergy member who was a leader within the Sons of Sharpton was Rev. Lourdes Beige.  Beige also happened to be a member of the PAC; and also coincidentally led the local NAACP.  The activities of Lourdes Beige over the previous several years had become almost legendary.

When Councilwoman Gall became the object of a recall election, and a black county manager was fired, he helped lead a heavily publicized local March Against Intolerable Racism.

Officer Dames Stinson had been one of the key black officers charging discrimination in the police department; and was a congregant of Rev. Lourdes Beige.  After the true nature of Stinson's activities became known to the public, Beige held a press conference alleging that Stinson was "suffering", and called upon the city to remedy his situation.  Some observers interpreted that to be a call for a large financial settlement.

Beige, with his influence, also was able to position his church to obtain ample county school funds for a program ostensibly to assist high-risk local black youth.  

Other press conferences were held to allege that boxes containing records from the Klan/Communist imbroglio had been improperly removed from the police department; and to advocate on behalf of a Latino gang that was repeatedly getting into trouble with police.  And now, there was a press conference to defend Quake. 

A political effort was made to open the polls on Sundays during election season to help elect the first black president whose administration was later to investigate the city's police department; and the Sons of Sharpton churches bused their congregants to the polls to support him. 

The Sons of Sharpton had completely discredited themselves.  The media culture in the Politically Virtuous City, over the years, had trumpeted the grave importance of the wall of separation between church and state; but looked askance when the Sons of Sharpton repeatedly breached that wall.

One of the highly public gripes about the investigations of Officer Stinson was that they were repeated and prolonged, over a period of several years.  It turned out those investigations of Stinson had been justified.  But it came to light that Officer Flanders, the white officer who had been acquitted, remained under administrative investigation by the department after the acquittal; and had been investigated by the black leadership of the police department for several years.  There was little fuss about that.

One particular local blogger, whose name was Bolder, had demonstrated awesome reporting capabilities in bringing to light the truth regarding the police department controversy.  Bolder announced, much to the surprise of observers, that he was going to run against Councilwoman Gall.

Cops, DA's & PAC's, Chapter 4

I have advised most of you previously of my tentative plan to write a novel.  Three chapter outlines have already been developed and posted here.  Those have been placed in the "Categories" tab in the upper right hand corner of this blog page.  Readers can click there in order to access the previous chapters.

In any event, inspiration has struck once again, and I want to humbly seek the input of readers on my fourth chapter.  Again, this account is entirely fictional, and any similarity to real persons or events is entirely coincidental.

The city manager, whom we shall call Melvin'sson, had become a fairly controversial figure, and had made a long series of bad decisions-- and much of the community knew about it.  But his position as city manager had been protected over a prolonged period by a group of city council members in spite of all the problems he had helped create.  Some of these council members were card-carrying members of the PAC; and others had allied themselves with the PAC in order to serve their constituencies in the field of real estate development.

City Manager Melvin'sson had an interesting personal history.  He spent part of his childhood being raised on one of the Caribbean islands, and observed with his family firsthand the awful circumstances of the dark-skinned island residents.  By the time he attained mature adulthood, he had moved back to the United States where other dark-skinned residents had also been oppressed.  "White Guilt" had become a part of his worldview.

Ironically, in spite of this, when he was considered for the job of city manager, the PAC opposed him, because he was considered "too Republican".  He ultimately got the job when key individuals intervened on his behalf.  But he had to prove his worthiness to the PAC.

His handling of the police department had become an ongoing controversy that divided the community.  And after Detective Flanders was acquitted, the protection afforded him by the city council had eroded.  Two council members who had been identified with development interests and the PAC finally, reluctantly, turned against him. 

And the city council voted to terminate Melvins'son.

Meanwhile, the case of the minority police officer who assaulted two females in a drunken rage advanced.  We shall call this officer Quake.  One of the women he assaulted was his live-in girlfriend, so this was potentially a domestic violence case. 

During one city council meeting, a council member raised verbal concerns about the incident.  However, this elective body was graced with the presence of a female member named Gall, who happened to be affiliated with the PAC and also was rumored to be a cousin of the police chief.  Gall attempted to shoot down the other member for raising this issue; and argued that the police officer who had assaulted the two women while drunk had due process rights as a city employee.

In any event, Quake's case came to the attention of District Attorney Pug.  Officer Quake was represented in this matter by attorney Ren Flea.  Pug ordinarily would have been inclined to cut them a break out of deference to the PAC, but he had a problem.  One of the assaulted women was highly educated.  In fact, she was an instructor on matters related to criminal justice. 

The police department clearly did not want to prosecute Quake to the maximum extent of the law.  It initially refrained from charging him with domestic violence, and did not even document that part of the incident. 

But DA Pug had little choice because of the educated victim.  Prosecute the case, or risk being called out on the situation.  He chose the former, and Quake was convicted.  

Recall that attorney Flea also had been representing the black officers with their lawsuit against the city.  But it turns out that Flea had some problems of his own.  He was sued because of his involvement in a fraudulent real estate transaction.  The property at the center of this transaction had been controlled by a couple of drug kingpins, including one named Flackin. 

It was a great coincidence that Flackin had been one of the targets of the drug investigation that minority officers had obstructed by claiming discrimination.  And it turned out that officer Stormin', discussed during one of the previous chapters, also happened to be one of Flackin's cousins. 

Stormin' was rumored to have helped cover for officer Quake after the assault incident; and also was the aggrieved victim of some of the allegedly discriminatory behavior for which Flanders had been charged.  This charge later was dropped.

Stormin' and Quake were also both among the several dozen officers suing the city for discrimination.

A new PAC was formed to target the council members who opposed City Manager Melvins'son.  And the black officers who already had a suit against the city also sued one of the council members who had opposed the city manager-- because they were unhappy that their names had been released to the public.

But the original, most influential PAC, in a separate matter, was found guilty by the state of accepting a large illegal contribution.  The contribution was given by a local non-profit funded by a number of philanthropic foundations.  But the non-profit in actuality was controlled by individuals with an acute interest in directing the city government's activities.

The Next Installment of My Novel on Cops, DA's and PAC's

I had shared with readers recently my idea for writing a novel about "Cops, DA's and PAC's"; and later also related my concept for another chapter in that novel. 

Inspiration has struck once again, and I believe I have another chapter welling up within me.  I would like to share with you a broad outline to obtain your reaction.  And once again, this account is fictional, and any resemblance to real places or events or persons is purely coincidental.

The medium-sized southern town under discussion has a reputation far and wide as being a Politically Virtuous City (PVC).  It did not earn this reputation, however, based on traditional indications of virtue-- sobriety, honesty, integrity, chastity, and the like.  Instead, its virtue was established by granting minorities a place at the table politically. 

The city's politics consisted of the adoption of poses of smug moral righteousness based on a certain vision of racial enlightenment.  In reality, however, its power structure was a very small group of community and business leaders, together with a corrupt black political machine, that jointly ruled the city.  It was an oligarchy of sorts.

After the city finds cause to throw out all the white leadership of its police department over alleged discrimination, and other alleged violations of the law, the DA refers the whole matter to the state investigative agency.  The investigation drags on for quite some time, because the agency could find little to prosecute. 

The mayor of the politically virtuous city, whom we shall call Heath, becomes concerned because the police department controversy is heating to the level of a boil, and city council elections are upcoming.  He is concerned the controversy will affect the election results, and upset the preexisting political arrangement that had been in place for a couple of decades.

The mayor calls the state attorney general, whom we shall call Toy Luper.  Luper is in charge of the state investigative agency.  The mayor tells him there were some very nefarious activities that occurred in the police department, and that justice needed to be served.  The city council elections were forthcoming, and indictments were needed as soon as possible.

Only weeks before the election, indictments are delivered against two lower-ranking officers-- not the department's command staff.  The mayor and city manager hold a widely covered news conference, and proclaim these indictments are an indication of the horrible things that were happening within the department.

Many of the black officers who had claimed victimization had been members of a statewide union composed of minority officers.  One of their buddies in that organization, whom we shall call Kerry, is employed with the state investigative agency.  The leadership of that agency makes it a point to assure Kerry is assigned to the investigation of the police department case.

Well over a year elapses.  The state attorney general's office postpones bringing the matter to trial because they do not have anything.  The political situation in the city erupts because of the controversy.  Exasperated local political leaders begin to see their world collapse around them, and know they must act.

A changing national political environment renders a sitting US Senator, whom we shall call Richard Furr, more vulnerable to a future challenge.  The opposing party begins to brainstorm regarding a possible opponent for Furr; and Attorney General Luper is prominently mentioned.

An official affiliated with the PAC, whom we shall call Earlie McAdams, speaks with Luper.  The PAC official tells Luper that everyone knew of his interest in the nomination for U.S. Senate, and that the PAC would like to be in a position to help him.  And oh, by the way, we need the police department matter brought to trial.  We need at least one conviction.

Finally, after numerous delays, one of the officers is brought to trial.  The state attorney general's top gun prosecutor, whom we shall call Slim Loman, is assigned to the case.  He is fairly well-known in the Politically Virtuous City; and his reputation is discussed in almost reverential tones.  But he ultimately had to do what Luper wanted him to do.

In due course, one of the charged officers, whose name is Flanders, is tried over a picayune, petty matter that ordinarily would never receive high level attention.  The defense attorney during the trial calls one of the new command staff of the police department to testify.  The name of the commander called to testify is Tastings.  It is revealed that, on another matter, this commander did precisely the same thing that Flanders had done.  Flanders ultimately is acquitted.

Loman had previously told the two officers that the other charges would not be brought to trial.  And those other charges are ultimately dropped.  One of the officers had been kept on unpaid leave for well over a year by the Politically Virtuous City even though he would never even be brought to trial.  Neither of the two charged officers had any incriminating statements to make about their command staff, as Luper had hoped.

And shortly after Flanders' acquittal, Luper announces he has no plans to run for U.S. Senate.

In the wake of the trial, a reporter/columnist for the local daily, who had previously gotten much of the story wrong, resurrects a side show to the controversy.  The police chief, and the officer who had been tried, are alleged to have driven a mentally ill woman from the apartment complex where the chief had lived.  But the allegation is completely debunked.

The EEOC complaint, and the lawsuit that arose from it, however, are still active.  Ren Flea is the attorney representing the group of black officers who sued the city.  But it turns out that Flea is also sued-- in connection with an unrelated real estate transaction that appears a bit shady. 

Lyin' Dames is the name of one of the black officers represented by Ren Flea in the EEOC matter.  Soon after Flanders'  trial ends, it is reported that the police department promotes officer Dames to the position of Captain.  He is promoted in spite of the fact that he was suing the city. 

There had been another attorney who had previously represented some of the black officers.  His name was Falter Bones.  Interestingly, Bones had written a letter alleging that the former city attorney seemed to be primarily interested in hurting the police chief.  Bones subsequently went to work for the DA in an adjoining city located immediately to the south-- a city which is arguably less politically virtuous. 

Another Chapter in My Novel About Cops, DA's and PAC's

A couple of weeks ago, I informed readers of my interest in writing a novel.  I solicited reader input, and appreciate greatly the response thus far.  This is an important fictional work in progress.

Since that time, inspiration has struck me once again.  I now have another proposed chapter to add to my novel.  I must repeat that any resemblance to real world events is purely coincidental.  The basic outline is as follows:

In response to the great disturbance over the monitoring and investigation of minority officers, two white officers are indicted.  The reason for one of these indictments is that a certain minority officer, whom we shall call Stormin', had been blocked from participating in a certain investigation involving another minority officer.  The implication was that he should have been permitted to participate.

Years later, a gritty incident occurs.  During a party at which alcohol consumption was excessive, a minority officer assaults a couple of females.  This happens at a private club for police.  One of the women assaulted is his live-in girlfriend, so the incident should be properly characterized as domestic violence.  His commanding officer, another minority officer who happened to be part of the EEOC complaint against the city, is rumored to have been at the club that night.

The officer who committed the assault was also part of the EEOC complaint.

But anyway, it is Stormin' who is dispatched to respond to the situation. The responsible commanding officer who is on duty at that time, also a minority group member, is reasonably well known to the public.  He had been a key player in the police department controversy; and was one of the main architects of the plan to protect black officers from the consequences associated with wrongdoing.  An incident this sensitive ordinarily would have been brought to his attention as the commanding officer on duty. 

And it turns out the officer who assaulted the two females, including his live-in girlfriend, is not criminally charged at the level he could have been.  He certainly does not go to jail.  He is suspended by the police department; but based on past experience, it is felt he might very well retain his job because his due process rights are to be protected.

The local business establishment had expressed concern in a highly public way-- before the City Council-- regarding the allegedly inappropriate monitoring of minority officers and community members.  But it turns out the same business establishment is found to be giving great sums of money to the PAC.  The respective heads of local government, who are part of the PAC, pledge to adopt the business establishment's plans for the region. 

But the key "local business establishment" giving all this money to the PAC, in reality, turns out to be a consortium of foundations established by the wealthy.

Again, folks, this is a fictional tale.  And I expect that in upcoming months and years, I will have additional chapters to add as new bursts of inspiration strike me.  My imagination is exceedingly fertile; so this promises to be a great book.  Stay tuned.

An Idea for a Novel Based on Cops, DA's and PAC's

I have been tossing about in my mind an idea to write a novel.  It occurred to me that I could outline the story idea for my readers to get their reaction as to whether the idea could fly.

I should first note that the story is entirely fictional, and any resemblance to real characters or events is purely coincidental.  In any case, here goes:

A small-to-medium sized southern city has a legacy of discrimination, and a sizable African-American population.  Over time, a black political machine develops that is based on racial identity and the power of bloc voting.  It is centered around the existence of a PAC that endorses candidates, thereby delivering them electoral victory.  Unlike most PAC's , which give money to candidates, this particular PAC receives contributions from many of the white candidates it endorses.  This arrangement works well for a time, and the interests of black residents are more adequately represented. 

The PAC includes elected officials primarily, but also other important community members.  Some of these elected officials become involved in various conflicts of interest, and demonstrate serious ethical lapses. 

But over time, as white politicians learn they must have this endorsement to win elections, they begin to demonstrate solicitous, obsequious behavior in order to get it and to keep it.  They effectively become beholden to the black political machine.  Many of these politicians represent various development-related interests.

One individual in the PAC also happens to be an extraordinarily effective get-out-the-vote operative.  He is therefore very powerful politically.  He happens to lead a private company that ostensibly provides affordable housing for the poor.  He is well positioned to demand taxpayers' money from local government, and he receives lots of it.  It is later discovered that he and others within the organization were stealing much of this money.  The leader is reported to have killed himself after his activities are discovered.

The company goes into bankruptcy; and an attempt is made to liquidate its assets to pay off creditors.  As this process gets underway, one of its attorneys, whom we shall call Fella, is observed absconding away from its offices with office equipment.

The chairman of the board of this housing company, whose name is Dalton, also happens to be a key administrator of a black public university located in the city.  

Meanwhile, there is trouble brewing at the local police department.  Its command staff has ample reason to believe that a number of its minority officers are willfully consorting with drug kingpins, dealers, prostitutes and strippers.  There is also reason to believe these officers are conducting private business on company time, selling police information to shady individuals, and assisting drug dealers evade law enforcement, among other offenses.  The police leadership undertake monitoring of these minority officers, and various forms of investigation.   When the minority officers find out about it, they scream bloody murder and go public claiming discrimination.  Part of the basis for the actions of the police brass was a series of concerns expressed to them by the U.S. Attorney's office.

At one point, the police chief is also involved with the investigation of the former housing agency described above.  The city attorney demands all the records, but he insists upon preserving them for law enforcement.  This angers the city attorney greatly.  Their relationship is contaminated.

It is even reported at one point that one of the minority police officers had delivered a brick of cocaine to the leader of the housing company mentioned above.

In any event, the leader of the minority officers-- and a key player in the drama--  hires a local attorney named Moe.  Moe is a former judge and a very influential leader in the PAC.  Because of his influence, he is able to get council members, the city manager and the city attorney to do things they would ordinarily not do when claims of discrimination are made.  The city essentially admits its police brass discriminated against the minority officers repeatedly, and pushes them all out.  A minority police chief is installed. 

It is now election time; and a new district attorney must be elected.  Attorney Moe, wearing the hat of the PAC principal, gives the inside track for DA to another attorney named Pug.  The question of whether there will be a prosecution related to the now-defunct housing company hangs over the DA race.  Ultimately, Pug is elected DA-- thanks in large part to the PAC endorsement secured for him by Moe. 

Attorney Pug is installed in office, becomes tearful, and publicly thanks attorney Moe for guiding his career and helping him become DA.  And shortly thereafter, Pug announces he will not prosecute anyone in connection with the case of the housing company.

Attorney Pug incidentally had received many contributions from defense attorneys during his race for district attorney.  Some, but not all, of these are minority attorneys.

Back to the police case.  At one point, the ex-wife of the leader of the minority officers claims that she had been inappropriately monitored in her neighborhood.  This allegation is circulated widely, but is proved to be untrue.  Ironically, she is later accused of being part of a check-kiting scheme affecting local banks.  And to compound the irony, attorney Fella-- the same guy who took the office equipment from the housing company during its liquidation-- also happens to be implicated with her.

The black officers file an EEOC complaint against the city.  But some independent investigative reporting reveals the white police brass were entirely justified in their actions.  The FBI looks at the situation; and does not see any discrimination. 

Another problem, however, erupts.  The city publicizes the police department's past wiretapping of certain local black professionals to dramatize that its own actions had been proper.  One of the black professionals affected is attorney Moe.  It is later learned that the wiretapping was accidental, and that it was part of a legitimate investigation.  Nonetheless, when political candidates go before the PAC/machine to be interviewed, they are asked intently about their feelings regarding the wiretapping episode. 

Lawsuits begin to fly back and forth in connection with the police department matter.  The black officers sue the city and the white former police brass.  The white police brass sues the city also. 

The black officers ironically are represented at various times by some of the same attorneys who had contributed to District Attorney Pug's campaign.

In any event, the city remarkably begins to defend itself against the suits filed by the minority officers even though it had previously admitted, without equivocation, that it had discriminated against them. 

Crime, meanwhile, begins to rage throughout the city arousing public concern.  The city feels compelled to hire a consultant to figure out what is wrong with its police department.

Three minority officers are publicly accused of sexually assaulting an off-duty female officer while they are on-duty.  It turns out they are among the officers who had filed the EEOC complaint against the city.  And the city, in spite of this, offers a settlement to that group of officers.  

One of those officers involved in the sexual assault case coincidentally also had been one of the main instigators of the minority officers' complaints against the former police brass.  At one point, attorney Moe had even arranged with the city attorney and the city manager for this particular officer to help interrogate the former white police chief.  The officer is investigated, but does not lose his job because of the assault incident.

The city manager makes a key admission that one of the chief pieces of information upon which he had relied when he pushed out the former police brass was not based on any kind of evidence.  And yet a core group of city council members protect him through the entire controversy because they are connected with and dependent upon the PAC/machine.

Some of the administrators of the aforementioned local black public university are accused of misusing public funds.  District Attorney Pug looks at the case, and ultimately decides not to prosecute anyone. 

Dalton, the former chairman of the board of the now-bankrupt and dissolved housing company-- the leaders of which had stolen from the poor-- is temporarily elevated to the position of Provost at the university.

In any event, I would like to point out to the reader that I have many ideas for this novel, and there should be little difficulty making it work.  I know I run the risk of having someone else steal my idea by writing about it here, but sometimes that is the price of blogging.

The problem for me, however, is explaining how all of these seemingly unrelated circumstances could somehow hang together.  How could there be so many coincidental interrelationships?  It would seem that some kind of coherent explanation is essential to make the plot work.

Surely, it is, to some extent, a legacy of racial victimization that some minorities still feel, and that sometimes becomes a political cause.  There is a longstanding history of antipathy toward police and other instruments of law enforcement; and indeed, distrust of them.  So key members of the black community are willing to undermine law enforcement, and thereby accept more crime in their neighborhoods, in order to maintain a certain worldview.

But why would the feelings become so intense that there is even a concerted effort to cover up wrongdoing?  I would develop several explanations in the novel. 

First, there are the interests of the local defense attorneys, a group of which attorney Moe is part.  Having Pug as DA, and supporting him, assures that more of their cases will not be prosecuted, and that their clients will "get off easy".  If their clients are able to continue their activities, and avoid time in jail or in prison, that increases enormously the value of these particular attorneys to their clients. 

In fact, it is rumored that attorney Moe's clients hardly ever even see a courtroom.  A friendly DA and a weak local police department, combined with other weaknesses in the overall criminal justice system, assures these defense attorneys will be able to deliver on behalf of their criminal clients, and command maximal fees. 

Second, the success and perpetuation of the local drug trade is the lubricant that makes available many of those fees paid to the local defense attorneys.  This is a regular, ongoing source of income that had to be protected.  Shielding the black police officers became paramount because they were, in turn, protecting the highest functionaries in the local drug trade.  (The minority officers also happened to be receiving compensation for this service.)

Third, the PAC/machine exists to serve the financial interests of some of its key principals.  Its power is used to protect and further those interests.

In any event, I will stop here.  I  think I have the broad outlines of a great fictional novel.  Reader comments are solicited because they might help me improve upon the final product in the event I develop this concept further.