Cops, DA's, and PAC's, Chapter 6

I had previously informed readers that I was contemplating the publication of a fictional novel.  The previous chapters of this novel can be accessed by clicking the "category" found in the upper right hand corner of this blog page.  Inspiration has struck once again:

It had been a relatively mild summer in the Politically Virtuous City.  A new election season had arrived, and some interesting developments surfaced. 

The ongoing case of Officer Quake reached a crescendo.  Recall that he had been charged with domestic assault after having been caught in a drunken rage toward the end of a police party.  He was convicted in a non-jury trial.  But he appealed the case, and obtained a jury trial.  His fiance, whom he had assaulted, was prevailed upon to deliver testimony on his behalf at the trial.  This introduced the element of reasonable doubt, and Officer Quake was acquitted.  Remember that the office of attorney Ren Flea had been involved in representing Quake.  DA Pug could not get a ruling that upheld the initial conviction.

But that was not to be the end of the issue.  The police department had to decide whether to allow Quake to return to duty as a cop.  The machine police chief surprisingly recommended against it; and it was presumed this was because of all the publicity the incident had attracted. 

Recall that the Politically Virtuous City had a group of black ministers called the Sons of Sharpton.  This group had been interested in undermining police for many years.  A gang leader named George-Ay had affiliated himself with this group; and used them to circulate claims that the machine-controlled police department's gang unit had been discriminating against Hispanic gangs.  The Sons of Sharpton, George-Ay and Officer Quake held a press conference jointly on this topic. 

When the filing season opened for the city council election, it was astonishing for local residents to learn that gang leader George-Ay had filed to run for City Council.  He received nearly five hundred votes in the primary, but did not survive it.

The Sons of Sharpton held a demonstration on behalf of Officer Quake, and even met with the interim City Manager, Rob Dorgan, on his behalf.  Quake had appealed his termination to Dorgan.  Dorgan was swayed by the Sons of Sharpton, and reinstated Quake.

Unfortunately, this decision by Dorgan provoked a reaction.  A large group of officers within the police department was fed up with the city and the department because of their history of covering up the activities of corrupt, misbehaving officers.  An emergency city council meeting was held, and these officers attended to display their unhappiness over the state of affairs.

It was then learned that a number of high-ranking male officers in the department had been having sexual relations with female subordinate officers.  And in a couple of these instances, the officers involved were married to other officers.

The principals in the PAC had been observing over a prolonged period the activities of the Sons of Sharpton; and sometimes felt the need to cringe privately over some of the things they did.  The Sons of Sharpton had created problems for the members of the PAC.  Their arrangement with the city's development interests and its "downtown business establishment" would be threatened if they were consistently perceived as being extraordinarily provocative, and as being way over to the "looney left". 

But the PAC and the Sons of Sharpton had maintained a political alliance of sorts over the years for mutual benefit.  The highly publicized incidents with Officer Quake and George-Ay, however, were the collective straw that broke the camel's back for the PAC. 

Lourdes Beige had been a principal in the PAC, a leader of the local NAACP, and one of the instigators of the grievances previously filed by minority officers at the police department.  He also was the pastor of a black church that routinely violated IRS rules regarding political activities of non-profit organizations.

The PAC decided to force Lourdes Beige out.  Lourdes then started a new PAC largely consisting of ministers belonging to the Sons of Sharpton.  This new PAC, however, would endorse many of the same candidates as the old PAC.

The US Department of Justice had been considering whether to litigate the grievances of minority officers against the police department.  It ultimately decided to refrain from taking the case.  A new black city manager had been hired by the City Council; and certain aggrieved black officers, including Dames Stinson, publicly announced they would temporarily suspend their litigation against the city. 

It was learned that the new city manager had previously settled some discrimination complaints filed by minority officers in the midwestern city he had previously served.  The Politically Virtuous City's black officers were still expecting some kind of settlement also.

The white officers who had been wrongfully accused, including Officer Flanders, were reinstated to active duty and received all their back pay and benefits.  However, they were assigned to undesirable jobs within the police department, and were still having to fight to get the city to cover their legal costs.

A local blogger named Bolder who had extensively written about the police department also decided to run for City Council against Councilwoman Gall.  At an election forum, Gall defended the reinstatement of Officer Quake as the natural conclusion of a legitimate process.  Gall had been closely identified with the Sons of Sharpton in the past; and ultimately lost the endorsement of the PAC.  Bolder unfortunately did not survive his primary; and Gall was to be pitted in a general election contest against a PAC-endorsed candidate.

Curl Bones was one of the principals in the PAC.  And he had a longstanding grudge against Councilwoman Gall.  She had failed to help him with his fried chicken concession at the homecoming of the local Historically Black University several years back.

Meanwhile, crime continued to rage throughout the city.  The machine-controlled police department allowed a certain proportion of its officers to be unproductive; and burglaries were now commonplace in affluent neighborhoods that previously had not experienced much crime.  These burglaries were arousing considerable concern.

The epidemic of crime in the city was blithely tolerated by the PAC and also by the white power groups with which it was allied, including the aforementioned development interests and "downtown business establishment".  The white power groups ironically tended to shade left politically.  And the PAC was advancing the interests of a group of local black defense attorneys.

These defense attorneys depended on the fees generated by the city's lucrative illegal drug industry.  But they also depended on a steady stream of cases to defend.  If the city's crime levels were to go way down, they would have much less business.

The existence of officers within the police department who would protect the drug industry was therefore important to maintain. 

But within the local African-American community, there was also a prevailing belief that "arresting people" was not the solution.  Police had long been considered the adversary in minority communities; and a crime-fighting approach that would cause more unwanted interactions with police would be unacceptable.  And so the PAC would strenuously resist any aggressive, proactive anti-crime approach.

A reactive approach, such as that taken by the machine-controlled police department, would assure a certain number of "solved cases" and arrests.  Those arrested would be represented by the local defense attorneys, who would be able to work with the DA and the inadequate criminal justice system to get them acquitted, or to assure minimal sentences. 

The defense attorneys would get paid; the revolving doors in the criminal justice system would continue to turn; a steady stream of criminal defendants would be assured for the defense attorneys; the local illegal drug industry would continue to be protected; and the PAC would continue to be able to advance its own interests.

An election was soon to be held.  The city's mayor was strongly identified with the PAC.  At Large candidates often had to secure endorsement by the PAC in order to win.  This was the means by which the PAC was able to assure machine control of local government.

The challengers this election season, as always, would face an uphill battle.

Again, the above chapter is entirely fictional.  It required an extremely fertile imagination to develop such a story line.  I certainly solicit the constructive comments of readers to help me develop a better final product.

Comments

[Fred Gregory]

Yes, Joe, like any roman a clef your plot is fictional but eerily close to the truth. Scary and timely. Happy Halloween.

Ora pro nobis

[Joe Guarino]

Indeed, Fred, we could use that prayer. Thanks.

[Brenda Bowers]

I sure am happy you reminded me at the end that this was all a work of fiction! As I was reading I was strongly feeling a need to get out of Tombstone before there is a gun fight in my neighborhood. Yep. Sure am glad this is a work of fiction. BB

[Joe Guarino]

Brenda, in order for fiction to appear credible, it has to make readers feel as if it could be the truth.

It's a good thing, though, that this type of scenario does not arise in real life.